November 19th, 2014

Dong Zong risks being torn apart

The Chinese education group was once so powerful that it could bring down Chinese politicians and political parties, but a string of controversies the last few months has made it the laughing stock of the community.The Chinese education group, Dong Zong, was once so powerful that it could bring down Chinese politicians and political parties but a string of controversies the last few months has made it the laughing stock of the community.

Dong Zong

Dong Zong

THE “cold shoulder” episode between two leading figures in the Chinese education movement is still the subject of coffee shop chatter.

It is a glaring indication of just how deep the split in the movement had grown in the last one year.

Dong Zong president Yap Sin Tian and Jiao Zong chairman Ong Chiow Chuen are no longer on talking terms going by the body language between them during a grand dinner in Johor.They talked and joked with everyone around the table except with each other. They did not even want to look at each other.

The Chinese education movement is in the grip of a crisis described as the worst in the history of the movement.

Dong Zong is the Chinese Schools Association while Jiao Zong is the Chinese School Teachers’ Association and, together, these two “brother organisations” were a powerful opinion shaper among the Chinese. They were once so powerful they could determine the fate of Chinese political parties.

But the movement is now split down the middle. The Chinese vernacular media has gone to town reporting on the sparring match between the protagonists.

“It is very complicated. For many people, it is no longer about Chinese education but which side you are on,” said Tang Ah Chai, CEO of the Selangor and Kuala Lumpur Chinese Assembly Hall.

How on earth did this once tightly knit group come apart?

The crisis had its roots in Dong Zong refusing to allow students from the newly set-up Chong Hwa Secondary School in Kuantan to sit for the crucial UEC or Unified Examination Certificate which is controlled by the movement.

Schools have to meet strict criteria before they can conduct the examinations and Yap claimed that the Kuantan school did not qualify.

Not everyone agreed with him. They thought he was trying to manipulate the situation and that was the start of the rift.

But even before that, Yap’s imperious and confrontational leadership style had alienated people, including top leaders in Jiao Zong. Yap is one of the most controversial persons to have ever led Dong Zong.

His credibility had also been dented after the way he exploited the Chinese education cause to get re-elected as Dong Zong president.

All these factors finally came to a head last month. Fed-up with the situation, several Dong Zong state branches known as Dong Lian Hui requisitioned for an EGM to remove Yap’s trusted deputy Chow Siew Hon.

The disgruntled branches had decided that while Yap was impossible to work with, the real problem was Chow. They claimed Chow was the stumbling block, the mastermind behind Yap and he should go.

“I’m not sure who is controlling who but the Chinese have this saying – they are wearing the same underwear,” said a Chinese politician.

Yap refused to entertain the EGM requisition, claiming that it did not meet the required conditions.

Things got so tense that during a recent Dong Zong committee meeting, eight members walked out after Yap refused to discuss the EGM to remove Chow.

The temperature was rising.

Then, out of the blue, Yap announced on Sunday that he was calling an EGM of his own. His EGM would discuss whether the Kuantan school should be allowed to conduct the UEC examination.

After opposing the move for years, he was now putting it to the floor to decide.

It was quite a bizarre development and everyone was shocked. Once again, Yap was running Dong Zong as though it was his own private company.

Chinese school advocates said that Yap knows he is up against the wall and his EGM proposal was to get his opponents to back off.

He is assuming that the EGM, scheduled for Dec 7, will pacify those who support the Kuantan school issue and bring them to his side.

But Yap’s proposed EGM ran into problems from the word go.

A working committee comprising Dong Jong and Jiao Zong experts had spent months looking into whether the Kuantan school qualifies for the UEC examination. Its findings are supposed to be presented next month.

The committee members were furious that Yap was moving an EGM that would pre-empt their months of work and without consulting them. The irony was that Yap is the chairman of the working committee.

The entire committee, minus Yap, held a big press conference to voice its concern and urge that the experts be allowed to finish their work and come out with a decision.

“It is very messy. I have never seen anything like this in all my years of NGO work,” said Tang.

Even retired headmaster Goh Kean Seng, the man who had brought Yap into Dong Zong, has called for him to resign.

Goh, who is now chairman of the Lim Lian Geok Foundation, said the Chinese education movement needs to recover its honour and win back respect from the community.

DAP and PKR politicians who had openly supported Yap during the general election have gone all quiet.

MCA politicians say they do not want to have anything to do with Yap.

“It is his problem. We don’t want our names associated with him,” said one MCA politician.

The split in the movement is a big issue for the Chinese. They feel let down by what has happened.

Several Chinese associations, included Hua Zong and the Associated Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, met recently to express concern that Dong Zong could be suspended by the Registrar of Societies. They do not want something so shameful to happen to this historic movement.

They are wasting their breath. Yap is not going to listen to any of them. He will just do what he likes.

The Chinese educationists created him, thinking that his serious and uncompromising style would be good for the movement. Instead, he has become a creature that has gone out of control.

Some say that Yap’s antics have made Dong Zong a laughing stock. But many people just feel like crying when they see what has become of the movement.

Success of the New Economic Policy

THE New Economic Policy (NEP) was formulated with the overriding objective of attaining national unity and fostering nation-building through the two-pronged strategy of eradicating poverty and restructuring society.

The first prong was to eradicate poverty, irrespective of race, while the second sought to restructure society by eliminating the identification of race with economic function.

The key element of the second prong was the creation of the Bumiputera Commercial and Industrial Community (BCIC) to ensure a viable participation of Bumiputera individuals in the modern sectors of the economy. The target was that Bumiputeras would own and manage at least 30 per cent of the total commercial and industrial activities of the economy by 1990. The 30 per cent target was a means to an end, namely to achieve better distribution of assets and income.

With the NEP, corporate equity ownership by Bumiputeras had improved and there were more Bumiputeras involved in modern occupations.

Despite the NEP and other efforts, the threat of disintegration of the carefully crafted unity of the nation would however continue. This was primarily because of dissatisfaction over growing economic disparity and perceived inequalities in various sectors such as education, as well as between urban and rural areas.

At the end of 1974, high rates of inflation and increase in food prices led to peasant demonstrations in Baling and Sik in Kedah, supported by university students in Kuala Lumpur and Penang. The government intervened with millions of ringgit in subsidies to alleviate tensions.

It became clear that the education system under the British did not take into consideration the needs of development, the creation of a national identity and the unity of the nation. Instead, it had deliberately focused on reinforcing the loyalty of the migrant workers and their descendants to their countries of origin and suppressed the spirit of development of the local people.

Therefore, in 1957, an educational policy was developed for the new Malaya which focused on its future needs as follows:

“The educational policy of the Federation is to establish a national system of education acceptable to the people as a whole which will satisfy their needs and promote their cultural, social, economic and political development as a nation, with the intention of making the Malay language the national language of the country whilst preserving and sustaining the growth of the language and culture of peoples other than Malays living in the country,” as stated in section 3 of the Education Ordinance 1957 (F.M. No. 2 of 1957) and later reproduced in the preamble to the Education Act 1961.

Therefore, we all need to read and understand the preambles and sections of laws carefully before making comments. The policy was construed and implemented with the guidance of the Razak Report 1956 and later the Rahman Talib Report 1960. The goal of the policy was to unite multiracial schoolchildren and prepare a work force of the people for Malaysia’s economic requirements.

By the end of its period in 1990, the NEP had achieved remarkable success. Poverty levels had dropped, corporate equity ownership by the Bumiputeras had improved, there were more Bumiputeras involved in modern occupations, enrolled in universities and there was a booming Bumiputera middle class. But it was not the panacea for all of Malaysia’s challenges.

In Theories of Social Order, Thomas Schelling said that, “When all individuals pursue their own preferences, the outcome is segregation rather than integration”. Where then does Malaysia stand in its 57 year as an independent nation in terms of national unity and national harmony?

One of the biggest challenges to social order and national harmony today is actually our own ignorance of and indifference to our history, our laws and our values and principles as a nation. This is aside from the multiple external threats such as corruption, religious intolerance, radicalisation and extremism, and organised criminal activities.

Appreciation of the symbols of national unity

Charles de Montesquieu said, “There is no nation so powerful, as one that obeys its laws not from principles of fear or reason, but from passion”. If there is a root cause of our current dilemma, it appears to be a lack of understanding of everything that is supposed to make us a nation. Such passion for our nation is supposed to be inculcated from cradle to grave, by parents and teachers. But as J. Edgar Hoover said, “No amount of law enforcement can solve a problem that goes back to the family”.

First, the most important national symbol of all, namely the Federal Constitution. It is the supreme law of the land and the cornerstone of our social order and national unity. However, aside from a specialist group of lawyers and historians, does anyone read its actual provisions, and each and every one of its provisions? Some seem to read selected articles and then claim to be lawyers!

Second, let us take that foremost symbol, the national flag. Do we respect, take pride and understand its power to unite our nation? Or is this something only for security forces and schoolchildren? And we forget our times and days as schoolchildren, too.

Next let us consider the national anthem — “Negara Ku”. How many truly understand and appreciate the meaning of those first words in our national anthem — “Negara Ku, Tanah tumpahnya darah ku”. Taken literally, it means my country, the place where I am willing to spill my blood in defending it or the land of my birth. Metaphorically, it means my country, my Malaysian motherland or homeland. Our security forces, who had to fight in the attacks against Sabah last year, proved they were willing to die for their country. Others make noise but the question is whether they are willing to die for our country.

Fourth, do we understand the importance of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as the living symbol of our unity. If we did, would we be so quick to disparage this highest constitutional office?

Finally, let us revisit the Rukun Negara (Articles of Faith of the State). Do we merely recite or do we actually internalise the five principles which were intended to be the moral compass and key to national harmony and unity? Bear in mind that the Rukun Negara was specifically crafted for the success and stability of Malaysia’s multicultural society. Do we epitomise and practise these values which are supposed to define the national character of the people? Do we realise that the Declaratory Preamble to the Rukun Negara holds equal importance to the five principles, if not more. To be frank, how many have read the Preamble?

Perhaps it is worth for us to take a moment to reflect on the continuing relevance of the Rukun Negara today.

TOMORROW: Part 4 — Revisiting the Rukun Negara

Genes, race and human history

ONE of the many delightful things about visiting Malaysia is that every woman and man knows who he or she is.

When I visit Universiti Malaya, the Malay, Chinese and Indian students eat separately.

But that’s not the whole story. Malaysia is a successful multinational society. Three women visited me here in Bali at my villa a few years ago, one of them a former student, and the three of them were close friends: a Malay, Chinese and an Indian.

Different races evolved to their geographic surroundings.

Now, the following may sound ridiculous or preposterous to a Malaysian, but in American and European universities, especially departments of anthropology, it is politically incorrect to admit that there is a concept called race.

Now to be sure, many people of the world are mixed, but at international airports, I guess I am stupid, because I have no difficulty distinguishing between Africans, Caucasians and Chinese.

The fact of race is impossible to extinguish. I have spent considerable time in Africa, America, Europe and Southeast Asia. There are differences among these peoples that only an idiot does not see. It may be the height or the colour of the Africans. It may be the aggressiveness of Americans — though that is more cultural than racial. It may be the persistence of Chinese doing deals with their counterparts on their computers, but the eyelids give it away in any case. Does anybody know a Norwegian with Chinese eyes, unless a grandmother happened to be Chinese?

The argument has now been turned upside down. Nicholas Wade, the longtime, now retired, science editor of the New York Times, has a new book, A Troublesome Inheritance: Genes, Race and Human History.

He shows that not just culture creates differences among peoples, but genomic inheritance. Left-leaning and even Marxist predisposition have made academia in America utterly blind to their prejudices. It is, of course, true that the Nazis in Germany used race not just for ideological reasons, but to exterminate the Jews of Europe. So, that’s on the right side of the spectrum.

But academia forgets the genocide on the left in Cambodia, and the 30 million or so killed in the great cultural revolution in China — in the name of the left.

Wade is very clear about the differences that genomic factors are at issue, especially since DNA gave us the capacity to trace their evolution. It’s just a matter of measurement that east Asians have the largest brains (though this is not itself a measurement of IQ) and Africans the smallest, although other measurements are in the reverse.

Malay and Caucasian people are somewhat in the middle. Malay peoples, those from Easter Island to 20,000km away on Madagascar, off the east coast of Africa, all are variants of a non-Han Chinese group emigrating through Taiwan, or so Jared Diamond would have it in his celebrated Guns, Germs, and Steel, a best-selling book of layman-friendly anthropology, 15 years ago. Tagalog, Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Batak share the same syntax and grammar, with many identical words — anak, sakit, kanan, just to name three basic ones.

I guess Caucasians come out all right. The United States from its rich and almost unlimited frontier, and now the happily increasing multiracialism since the 1964 immigration reforms. Half the chief executive officers of Silicon Valley are Indian or Chinese.

So, we can be thankful that somebody has put-paid to the received wisdom of American social science. Race exists and we are all the better for it.

The human genome was only decoded 11 years ago. Since then, the study of race has been upended. The fact that it’s politically sensitive makes it no less susceptible to scientific inquiry than, say, sex.

Humans set out on their migration from northeast Africa only about 50,000 years ago, emerging into east Asian, Caucasian and African races.

To say we can’t study this division because of its political sensitivity is ideological, not scientific. A man named Barack Obama may be “mixed”, but since 2003, we can separate his 50 per cent Caucasian genes and the 50 per cent African. To me, this isn’t rocket science, it’s merely science.

Evolution moves on. We know that only 5,000 years ago Tibetans developed high-altitude genes. Kenyans and Ethiopians seem to win all marathons. Coincidence? Yup, it’s dangerous to refer to African athletic prowess. But it’s a fact. There are genetic reasons for it.

Wade is emphatic that no group of people is morally superior: that would be anti-science. But organised states, like China or Germany and France, have artistic and scientific achievements that tribal kin-organised groups can’t possibly show.

So, different races have evolved in response to differing geography.

“In each of these races, a different set of genes has been changed by natural selection. The genes specially affected by natural selection control not only expected traits, like skin colour and nutritional metabolism, but also some aspects of brain function.”

This book is written for us laymen in clear prose. Get it. Then we can say bye-bye to American social science, dominated as it is by a “cultural” group that has much suffered from racism: racism isn’t race. I can’t wait to learn the DNA of the Japanese emperor, or Vladimir Putin!

Revisiting the Rukun Negara

THE five principles of the Rukun Negara declare that: We, the people of Malaysia, pledge our united efforts to attain these ends, guided by these principles:

BELIEF in God;

LOYALTY to King and Country;

SUPREMACY of the Constitution;

RULE of Law; and

GOOD behaviour and morality.

But, it is the declaration that sets out what is intended to be achieved through these principles. The Declaration of Rukun Negara states:

Now therefore, our nation Malaysia, being dedicated:

TO achieving a greater unity for all her peoples;

TO maintaining a democratic way of life;

TO creating a just society in which the wealth of the nation shall be equitably shared;

TO ensuring a liberal approach to her rich and diverse and cultural traditions; and

TO building a progressive society which shall be oriented to modern science and technology.

In relation to the third aim to be achieved, it is emphasised that it refers to the “equitable” sharing of wealth and not the “equal” sharing of wealth, and the difference in meaning should be clear to all.

Challenges from religious and racial intolerance, misunderstanding and baiting.

Attorney-General Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail says the Federal Court decision in disallowing ‘The Herald’ to use the word ‘Allah’ in its Bahasa Melayu articles was based on national security, public order and safety.

Marcus Aurelius said that, “Everything we hear is an opinion, not a fact. Everything we see is a perspective, not the truth.” Yet in recent memory, we have been horrified by incidents involving cow’s heads, pig’s heads, desecration of places of worship by, at best, misguided youth and, at worst, people with more insidious agendas, threats to burn holy books, seizures of Bibles and many other untoward incidents. This is greatly augmented and exacerbated through the barbs and hurtful words traded on social media, even among those who consider themselves friends.

We joke that the mild mannered polite Malaysian turns into a monster once placed behind the wheel of a car. But there is nothing humorous about rampaging Malaysians on the Internet or in the real world spouting hateful and seditious words.

With every incident, we get closer to the precipice. What is worse is when Articles of the Federal Constitution are selectively and disingenuously cited to justify actions, warranted or otherwise.

The “Standard Operating Procedure” is now to call for the arrest and prosecution of the perpetrators.

Given that nothing in the mass media or cyberspace is ever erased unless by deliberate action, postings of a year or a decade ago can resurface to cause harm and discontent, when, at the actual time, no one cared to take notice. In fact, at that particular point in time, no one even batted an eye. But, years later when it comes up, everyone reacts.

Assuming perpetrators can be identified, and this is a veritable challenge when it involves the anonymity of the Internet, this then creates a neverending cycle of retaliation and one-upmanship. In this regard, it must be emphasised that law enforcement agencies cannot alone resolve this matter. Use of force alone cannot solve the problem. If law enforcement agencies, including the Attorney-General’s Chambers, are expected to go it alone, their integrity will eventually be questioned because they will be caught in the middle and can never satisfy all interested sides.

Therefore, the appeal from law enforcement is that there must be individual responsibility and accountability of the service providers. This should also be supplemented by firm and rational responses from political, religious and community leaders.

In fact, if everybody demands “equality”, then should there not also be equality in the groups to be charged? If one side is charged, then shouldn’t someone from the other side also be charged? But, if this approach is taken, would it not become an endless series of retaliation?

Respect for all religions.

Article 3 of the Federal Constitution provides that Islam is the religion of the Federation; but other religions may be practised in peace and harmony in any part of the Federation. Clause (4) of Article 3 further provides that nothing in Article 3 derogates from any other provision of the Federal Constitution. This Article must be respected.

Article 11 of the Federal Constitution provides that every person has the right to profess and practise his religion and to propagate it.

However, this is subject to state law and in respect of the Federal Territories, federal law, which may control or restrict the propagation of any religious doctrine or belief among persons professing the religion of Islam.

Let us briefly review the implications of freedom of religion when it is not exercised responsibly.

Child custody cases

Interracial marriages have given rise to a new conflict between civil law and Syariah law in relation to the unilateral conversion as well as custody issues of minor children where only one spouse converts to Islam. The increasing number of cases has also raised allegations of racial discrimination by the courts and authorities.

The anguish to the families cannot be overstated, and that is a fact. In this regard, the failure of the converting spouses to resolve the family arrangements prior to conversion, and in fact, attempting to use the different jurisdictions of the civil and Syariah courts to their advantage, jeopardises not only family harmony but potentially national harmony. Consequentially, the integrity of the Royal Malaysia Police and the Attorney-General’s Chambers is also called into question due to the issue of enforcement of conflicting court orders.

As stated earlier, if the integrity of law enforcement agencies is compromised, it will be detrimental to their ability to garner the respect of the public, which is fundamental to their ability to carry out their duties.

In 2009, amendments were proposed to the Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act 1976, the Islamic Family Law (Federal Territories) Act 1984 and the Administration of Islamic Law (Federal Territories) Act 1993 to ensure that issues like child support and child custody would be determined by the court in which the marriage was registered. These amendments, however, remain pending.

Bible seizure cases.

In the wake of the controversy of the seizure of Bahasa Malaysia/Indonesia Bibles and other publications containing the term “Allah” in 2010, and various threats to burn those Bibles, the government announced the “10-point solution”.

As restated in the letter from Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to Bishop Ng Moon Hing, chairman, Christian Federation of Malaysia (CFM), dated April 11, 2011, the 10-point solution is as follows:

“It was intended to de-escalate concerns and tensions within the country and it took into account the polarity of views of the different religious groups, including Christians and Muslims:

BIBLES in all languages can be imported into the country, including Bahasa Malaysia/Indonesia.

THESE Bibles can also be printed locally in Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak. This is a new development which should be welcomed by the Christian groups.

BIBLES in the indigenous languages of Sabah and Sarawak, such as Iban, Kadazan-Dusun and Lun Bawang, can also be printed locally and imported.

FOR Sabah and Sarawak, in recognition of the large Christian community in these states, there are no conditions attached to the importation and local printing of the Bibles in all languages, including Bahasa Malaysia/ Indonesia and indigenous languages. There is no requirement for any stamp or serial number.

TAKING into account the interest of the larger Muslim community, for Peninsular Malaysia, Bibles in Bahasa Malaysia/ Indonesia, imported or printed, must have the words “Christian Publication” and the cross sign printed on the front covers.

IN the spirit of 1Malaysia and recognising that many people travel between Sabah and Sarawak, and Peninsular Malaysia, there should be no prohibitions and restrictions for people who bring their bibles and Christian materials on such travel.

A DIRECTIVE on the Bible has been issued by the secretary-general of the Home Ministry to ensure proper implementation of this cabinet decision. Failure to comply will be subject the officers to disciplinary action under the General Orders. A comprehensive briefing by top officials, including the Attorney-General (A-G), will be given to all relevant civil servants to ensure good understanding and proper implementation of the directive.

FOR the impounded Bibles in Kuching, Gideon, the importer, can collect all the 30,000 Bibles free of charge. We undertake to ensure the parties involved are reimbursed. The same offer remains available for the importer of the 5,100 Bibles in Port Klang, which have already been collected by the Bible Society Malaysia (BSM) last week.

BEYOND the Bible issue, the government wishes to reiterate its commitment to work with the Christian groups and all the different religious groups to address interreligious issues and work towards the fulfilment of all religious aspirations in accordance with the constitution, taking into account the other relevant laws of the country. In order to bring urgency to this work, in my capacity as the prime minister, I will meet the representatives of the Christian Federation of Malaysia (CFM) soon to discuss the way forward.

THE Christian ministers in the cabinet will meet on a regular basis with representatives of Christian groups to discuss their issues and work with the relevant ministries and myself in order to resolve them.”

Despite that, the issue remained simmering for various reasons and regained prominence when the Home Ministry banned The Herald — The Catholic Weekly. More controversy arose with the seizure of Bibles from the premises of the Bible Society of Malaysia (BSM) this year. However, the prime minister made it clear on Oct 21, 2013, when he stressed that the Court of Appeal decision upholding the Home Ministry ban on the issue of the word “Allah” did not affect the Christians of Sabah and Sarawak.

Allow me to highlight the salient points of the Federal Court decision in The Herald case. The home minister’s prohibition of the publication using the word “Allah” in the Bahasa Melayu text of The Herald was premised on national security, public order and public safety as the subject matter raised issues of religious sensitivities in this country. This prohibition was done in accordance with Sections 6 and 12 of the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984 and Condition 6, Form B, First Schedule of the Printing Presses and Publications (Licences and Permits) Rules 1984.

“National security” — that was the issue the government was concerned with. It had nothing to do with freedom of religion. It was only concerned with national security.

Thus, the Court of Appeal decision is confined to the publication of the Bahasa Melayu text of The Herald and not the Al-Kitab, which are two publications of entirely different characters. The Al-Kitab is the Malay version of the Bible, and meant for Christians and for use in churches, whereas The Herald is a newspaper, which is accessible online and can be read by Muslims as well as non-Muslims.

So, actually the crux of the issue in the whole kalimah “Allah” debate is whether it could be used to propagate Christianity to Muslims. It is not an issue of freedom of religion for Christians themselves.

The court also re-emphasised that the Executive was also the best party to decide on matters relating to national security and public order. Nor is the minister obliged to wait for threat or violence to occur before making his decision. It suffices if there exists a potential for such threat to national security and public order. The court further noted that the said prohibition in that case did not prevent the Christian community from practising their religion and there was, therefore, no breach of the freedom of religion under Article 11 of the Federal Constitution.

The issue of the seizure of the Bibles from the Bible Society of Malaysia (BSM) by the Selangor Islamic Religious Department (Jais) in January 2014 also appears to be finally resolved by the Selangor menteri besar’s recent announcement that they will be returned. But this was not before the Attorney-General’s Chambers, or rather the Attorney-General, was subjected to pressure and criticism on the Attorney-General’s decision not to prosecute the case and its directive for the Bibles to be released by the agency that had seized them. It is welcomed that sooner or later everybody will come to see the light.

In that case, the Chambers on June 11, in a media statement, explained that the Bibles concerned were not publications within the meaning of Section 9(1)(a) of the said enactment. This was based on the facts and evidence submitted, and taking into account the relevant provisions of the Enakmen Ugama Bukan Islam (Kawalan Pengembangan Di Kalangan Orang Islam) 1988.

In any case, as the Chambers also pointed out in its statement, BSM was neither the author, publisher nor printer of the books concerned to come within the scope of Section 9 of the enactment.

BSM had merely imported the books, which were published and printed in Indonesia, with the intention to distribute them to Christians in Sabah and Sarawak only.

It is also noted that the Bibles which were seized at KLIA recently, which arose out of a misunderstanding, have already been released to the importer concerned. TOMORROW: Part 5 — Seditious and injurious comments.